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  • 美国大选闲谈系列——谁是刀俎谁为鱼肉

    作者:硅谷散人

    这一条是写给那些看我朋友圈和我推特的挺川朋友的,不试图改变任何人的观点,但求能启发一部分人的思考。

    本次大选,川普是把种族主义和反移民当作明牌来打的,最近几个月来都已经不再遮掩了,目标就是最大程度地激发铁盘,这一点绝大部分人都不会否认,唯一有争议的是种族主义和反移民的针对和打击范围。
    挺川的美国华人坚持认为:
    白人种族主义一视同仁,而且只是少数人,大部分人是好的。再说我只是少数族裔中的一小块,而且住在蓝州,反也反不到我这里。
    至于反移民,那就更跟我没关系,我高学历高收入高智商H1B杠杠的,美国需要我这样的人才,人家反的是走线的非法移民。
    挺川的国内人则认为:
    种族主义关我P事我又不在美国。
    反移民关我P事,我又不去美国。
    川爷上台世界大乱,东升西降收复湾湾,指日可待。

    川普上台,自然是要拿一部分群体的利益来开刀的,川普本届执政理念是做存量生意,就是说全球化这块咱不玩儿了,世界老大我也不当了,洪水滔天关我P事,我关起门来自己玩自己。存量意味着不再做大蛋糕而是分蛋糕。有人得到就必须有人失去。
    那么问题来了。

    请大家思考一下,在美国,哪一个族裔群体在数量上没有大到可以影响选举,在财富上没有大到可以控制政客,在社会阶层上又比较富裕有油水,在社会机会(比如大学录取)上面又有足够空间可以挤占,在意识形态上又容易划分,在外貌上面又容易识别?

    选项:
    非裔黑人(4100万人口)
    拉丁裔(5210万人口)
    华裔(约550万人)
    除华裔外的其他亚裔(约1800万人)

    答案是不是呼之欲出了?答案有且仅有一个,对不对。一旦针对特定族裔的社会气氛被动员起来,就不仅仅是政府政策性歧视那么简单,受害的也不仅仅是黄皮的华裔而已,那是相当恐怖的前景。

    如果还没想明白这意味着什么,那么想想今年极有可能是1965年的中国,或者1932年的德国。如果到这个时候你分不清谁是刀俎谁是鱼肉,那大概率你不是刀俎。

    再把视角拉远一点,你身在天朝远程挺川总归没问题吧?

    未必。一个无人主持大局的世界,未必是你想要的那个世界。上一次地球村村长撂挑子不干,是1930年代的英国无力维持世界秩序,绥靖德意等新兴强权,我们都知道后来发生了什么。

    扯远了。

    最后一句话总结:美国的内部矛盾还远没有激化到需要一个强民粹政权来调和的地步。

    川普用民粹来考验美国制度,2020年没有成功,这一次,也不会。

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    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 追梦的球场,心中的星空
    • By Matthew Yuan

    橄榄球场上的每一次冲刺,不只是为了赢得比赛,更是为了打破命运的束缚。我是一个在美国出生的亚裔孩子,成长在两个文化的夹缝中。我的哥哥患有自闭症,他的世界总是孤独的。父母为了我们,在这个陌生的国家打拼。橄榄球,起初对我来说只是一项运动,但后来,它逐渐成为了我寻找身份认同,突破文化壁垒的途径。

    我哥哥有自闭症,他不太喜欢和人交往,经常沉浸在自己的世界中。小时侯,我看着他感到无助,我多么希望他也能向我一样在运动场上那种自由奔放,挥洒汗水的快乐。但是现实总是让我感到挫败。他总是沉默寡言,与我们普通的日常生活节奏格格不入。直到有一天我们家接触到了残疾人奥林匹克运动。

    哥哥开始了学滑雪。看到哥哥在滑雪场上轻盈的动作和久违的笑容,那一刻,我明白了运动的力量远远超过了身体的锻炼。运动为他打开了一扇窗,让他能用这种方式和世界互动,突破自闭症带来的隔阂。而我,也深深地被这种力量所感染。

    不仅如此,作为一个亚裔,我在橄榄球场上也曾经经历许多挑战。在美国,高中的橄榄球队里像我这样的亚裔面孔并不多。当我第一次尝试加入校队时,教练和队友的目光带有怀疑,仿佛亚裔不适合这种强对抗性的运动。然而,我坚持不懈地训练,不断用实际行动证明自己。在场上,我不只是一个亚裔球员,更是一个充满激情,渴望胜利的队员。

    运动让我找到了自己的使命。我希望有一天,我能帮助像我哥哥这样的自闭症孩子,特别是那些少数族裔背景的孩子。帮助他们找到自己的兴趣和爱好, 并让他们对每一天的生活充满希望。运动不仅可以让孩子们锻炼身体,更能带来他们的自信与快乐。我愿意有一天能通过自己的努力,帮助更多像我哥哥一样的孩子,让他们不再因为疾病和文化背景而被社会边缘化。

    通过橄榄球,我学会了坚持,合作和勇敢,这些品质让我在面对文化冲突和生活中的困难时变得更加坚毅。

    每一次撞击,每一次奔跑,我都在为自己,为哥哥,为所有在这个国家奋斗的亚裔家庭而战。

    作者简介:Matthew是Langley 高中的一名高三学生,热爱运动,是校队成员,擅长游泳、高尔夫等运动。他父母为第一代华裔移民,他从小与父母,哥哥和祖父母一起长大,学习中文并喜爱中国文化。他积极参与社区志愿活动,特别关注残障人士,受有自闭症哥哥的影响,常参加日间看护项目,帮助有需要的群体,展现出他的爱心和责任感。

    发布在 文学之窗 Literature Window
  • Grassroots Asian Americans Mobilize to Boost Turnout for Election


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    ByPingping Yin

     in late August—the group set up a station originally intended as a place for passersby to rest or chat with neighbors from the community. Now, it had been transformed into a political campaign station, draped in flags and signs, and surrounded by loud patriotic music. Every volunteer wore something red, whether MAGA hats or T-shirts featuring the iconic image of Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump raising his fist during the first attempted assassination earlier this summer.
    Asian Americans have been the 
    ” app, volunteers could review households’ voting preferences from previous election cycles before knocking on doors. Their canvassing primarily targeted those who had historically supported Democratic candidates, with the goal of ensuring these voters turned out.
    “Turnout is key. Whoever can drive out more voters will win the race,” Zhu said, adding that they preferred volunteers to focus their efforts elsewhere rather than attempting to convert Republicans because “it’s challenging to sway people’s convictions in the final weeks before the election.”
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    Paul Zhu was interviewed by Yuan Media at home in Fairfax County, Virginia. Photo by: Pingping Yin

    Philadelphia is home to an estimated 37,000 ethnic Chinese residents, with approximately 60% being foreign-born, according to 
     in Northern Virginia, proudly sporting four flags, each as tall as an adult male. Three flags displayed his support for Trump-Vance, while the other honored his Vietnamese heritage. He had driven all the way from Little Rock, Arkansas, to Washington, D.C., with his 92-year-old mother as his sole passenger. Together, they stopped at every Trump rally en route to show their steadfast support for the Republicans.
    As refugees of the Vietnam War, the Nguyen family still remembers Biden’s 1975 stance as a senator against accepting Vietnamese refugees, a memory that fuels their staunch Republican allegiance. According to Nguyen, his mother, despite her age, is even more fervent in her support for Trump due to her fear of the country moving toward a socialist and communist regime under a Democratic administration. Nguyen said that for her, backing Trump is a part of her final wishes, and as her son, he felt his obligation to help fulfill that.

    Unwavering in Ideologically Opposed Districts

    Even in states and districts where the majority significantly diverges from their party affiliations, many Asian Americans remain undeterred, fervently advocating for the candidates they believe in.
    Among them is Sarah, a passionate Republican Chinese American who preferred not to share her last name for fear of retaliation. Unlike Zhu who avoided trying to convince others to change party loyalties, Sarah held a firm belief that it’s never too late to encourage people to vote Republican “if they know the truth hidden by mainstream media.”
    Despite residing in a predominantly blue district in Northern Virginia, Sarah and her “patriot” Asian American allies have made considerable efforts to canvass for Trump since mid-August. They set up a campaign station at Eden Center, a bustling strip mall in Falls Church, Virginia, filled with Vietnamese-owned small businesses.
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    A Trump campaign station was set up by Asian Americans at Eden Center, Falls Church, Virginia. Photo by: Pingping Yin

    Positioned outside one of the area’s most well-known Asian grocery stores, the campaign station was surrounded by a sea of Trump-Vance yard signs and flags, where Sarah and her peers distributed multilingual pamphlets in several Asian languages explaining why people should support the Republican Party.
    They also provided multilingual sample ballots to spotlight Republican candidates, from the presidential race down to local elections. With Trump’s favorite songs like “God Bless the USA” playing loudly and repeatedly in the background, they assisted senior Asians who have limited English proficiency, guiding them through the voter registration process and patiently addressing any questions in their native languages.
    Their station typically wrapped up around 5 p.m.. Immediately after that, they moved to neighborhoods with substantial Asian populations to conduct door-to-door canvassing. Drawing on extensive experience, Sarah shared that 5 to 7 p.m. is the ideal time for door-knocking, whether on weekdays or weekends. It’s when people are coming home from work or outings and just starting to plan dinner.
    “If you go earlier, they won’t be home; if you go later, it’s getting dark, and people are hesitant to open the door at night. Plus, we don’t feel safe knocking on doors after dark,” Sarah said.
    Advocating for Republicans in a solid blue area poses challenges, particularly for ethnic minority groups. Among the flags adorning their station, the most prominent one declared, “Don’t Blame Me, I Vote for Trump.”
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    Among the flags adorning their campaign station, the most prominent one declared, “Don’t Blame Me, I Vote for Trump.” Photo by: Pingping Yin

    At one point, a white man argued with them over Trump’s policy agenda. A Vietnamese elder in the group stepped forward, yelling back: “What about the border? Would you accept leaving your front door open for strangers to enter and live in your home?” The man replied that he’d be fine with it. “In that case, give me your address,” the Vietnamese senior retorted. “I’ll move in tonight!”
    Sam Shi, Sarah’s peer Chinese American and a data analyst at Northern Virginia Community College, recounted their participation in the Fairfax County festival in early October, where they donned MAGA apparel and waved Trump flags. Some attendees responded with hostility towards them, raising their middle fingers and hurling insults.
    “People hold different ideologies, and that’s perfectly acceptable. However, they shouldn’t resort to cursing us. Such behavior is mean-spirited and rude. We advocate for Trump peacefully, yet we’ve faced threats of violence,” Shi said. “Some even expressed a wish for Trump to die. This serves as a stark testament to the radicalism of Democrats. Truly decent people don’t wish anyone to die.”
    Daniel Ding experienced similar hostility while distributing flyers that highlighted Republican agendas in front of Great Wall Supermarket, one of the oldest Asian grocery stores in Northern Virginia.
    Ding and his fellow members of the Christian religious community produced bilingual flyers in both Mandarin Chinese and English to break down Republican agendas. After reading their flyers, a few passersby insulted them, calling them idiots and telling them to “go back to China” if Trump were elected.
    Screenshot 2024-10-28 at 6.09.29 PM.png
    Daniel Ding was interviewed using the Trump-Vance yard sign as a background. Photo by: Pingping Yin

    However, these hostile encounters only strengthened Ding’s resolve. “Their insults and indifference expose just how much the country is collapsing and the urgency to set it right,” he said. Ding saw his efforts as a wake-up call for his fellow Asian Americans.
    There was no designated space for a campaign station in that plaza, so Ding and his religious sisters stood by the grocery store’s sole entrance for approximately five hours each day. Many of them, in their fifties, took brief respites in their cars, sipping hot drinks to sustain themselves.
    “We are the grassroots among the grassroots without the support of a local Republican organization. Distributing this message is both our duty and our only recourse. Let the politicians do their jobs and address the systemic issues; we will handle the grassroots efforts ourselves,” Ding said, describing himself as a “messenger.”

    Campaigning Behind the Scenes

    Other Asian Americans who couldn’t canvass in person found alternative ways to support their parties and increase voter turnout.
    On WeChat—a social media app widely used among Chinese Americans—Chinese Republican supporters organized donation drives in group chats to fund huge custom Trump-Vance signs, which a representative hung on the pedestrian bridges in high-traffic areas in swing states, positioned directly next to a Harris-Walz sign.
    In late August, Yukong Zhao, a Chinese Floridian and education advocate, collaborated with Holly Ham, a Korean American and former U.S. government official, and founded a national alliance called “Asians Making America Great Again(AsiansMAGA)”. They mobilized peer Asian American communities to campaign for Trump in swing states and communicate Trump’s vision to Asian communities through multiple Asian language media advertising and social media.
    In a virtual meeting aimed to train participants how to convey messages if interviewed by media about how Asians view the campaign, Zhao repeatedly stressed that even though some Asians might hold strong opinions towards other groups of people of color, they must avoid racial attack to the Democratic presidential nominee and focus on her weak policies instead.
    At AsiansMAGA, members promote Republican policy agendas they believe benefit Asian Americans in areas such as crime, education, and the economy. These agendas are translated into various Asian languages and actively disseminated across social media platforms popular in Asian American communities, like WeChat, Kakao, and Zalo.
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    Asians MAGA rallied in Fairfax County, Virginia in mid-September. Photo Credit: Yukong Zhao

    Meanwhile, Asian Democrats conduct similar outreach in dedicated group chats with their like-minded peers on the same platforms. Some working in liberal arts and higher education create detailed slide presentations and flyers to explain and visualize Biden-Harris policies in their mother tongue, aiming to demonstrate to their ethnic groups why Democrats are the stronger choice.
    Asian Americans are also active in phone and text bank teams for both parties. Beyond those organized by local GOP or Democratic groups, some Asian Americans apply their expertise in research and data analysis to create customized phone and text banking lists that specifically target their ethnic communities. They work to mobilize these voters by offering culturally accessible outreach, speaking their native languages, and sharing relatable immigrant stories to inspire higher turnout.
    Adam Xu, a real estate broker in Seattle, currently serves as chair of the “Chinese Americans for Harris” phone bank committee. Cold calling is integral to his work, so he has developed an efficient system for phone banking, which he easily adapted for the campaign. “The key,” Xu said, “is securing reliable contact information for voters.”
    They requested that the Harris campaign headquarters provide contact information for Chinese Americans in swing states, aiming to engage this voting bloc in their native language to foster a stronger connection. However, the headquarters had not yet developed such tailored lists for this purpose.
    The lack of assistance from the campaign headquarters didn’t stop the Chinese Americans. Xu obtained voter contact information from counties with substantial Chinese American populations by submitting requests directly to county offices in swing states. He then refined the list by filtering for surnames common among Chinese Americans, creating a more targeted outreach list.
    Hundreds of Chinese Americans volunteered for phone and text banking using the lists Xu compiled. Xu, along with seasoned phone banking volunteers, provided training that included sample scripts and effective strategies, such as the importance of keeping conversations clear and concise. Volunteers were encouraged to wrap up calls in three sentences if they sensed a lack of genuine interest from the person on the other end.
    When making calls, they initiated the conversation in English but pronounced the recipients' names with accurate and respectful Chinese intonation. If the recipients exhibited any indication of being Chinese, the volunteers promptly switched to Mandarin, aiming to establish a sense of familiarity and connection. Collectively, they had made tens of thousands of phone calls and sent text messages to all seven swing states.
    Phone banking also gained popularity among Vietnamese communities in California. Given that many Vietnamese work in the manicure industry, they have established a robust phone banking network among nail salon workers. Callers reminded community members to register to vote. The Vietnamese community in California affectionately refers to these volunteers as “aunties.”
    “Our aunties have essentially been older so, you know, like when the older aunties calling you, the person on the other line may be less likely to hang up or more likely to stay on the phone,” said Lisa Fu, the executive director of the California Healthy Nail Salon Collaborative, as she praised the effectiveness of the nail salon phone banking networks and the influence of “auntie power.”
    In addition to utilizing social media, phone bank and text bank in multiple languages, Asian Americans also employed the most traditional methods, such as handwriting postcards and mailing them to voters in swing states.
    Xu Zhao chaired the postcard initiative for “Chinese Americans for Harris” from Miami Florida. She spearheaded fundraising efforts among Chinese Americans to design, print and purchase stamps for over 5,000 postcards. Over 30 volunteers were assigned to handwrite around 200 postcards each. They expressed greetings and gratitude in Mandarin Chinese while highlighting key Democratic agendas in English.
    Postcard4.pngHandwritten
    postcards by Chinese American volunteers were sent to Chinese American voters in battleground states. Photo Credit: Xu Zhao

    Some volunteers had not written in Chinese for years, and the task of composing so many postcards within a short time frame was no easy feat for anyone.
    “It’s way more different from printed postcards, which people may discard without a second thought,” said Ling Luo, founder of “Chinese Americans for Harris.” “But they will appreciate the handwritten ones. They recognize that we have made sincere effort and dedication.” Luo mentioned that she still keeps one handwritten postcard from New York from the last election cycle as a cherished reminder of that effort.
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    Volunteers placed the postcards in the shape of Kamala Harris’s initials. Photo Credit: Xu Zhao

    Driven by Fear or Affection for Trump

    Many of the most active canvassers on both sides had previously been quiet or independent voters before 2016. Motivated by either a deep concern or strong support for Trump, they decided to take action—either to oppose or champion him—and to help safeguard the democratic process by boosting voter turnout.
    Though Zhu now played a pivotal role in the "Chinese Americans for Harris" campaign, he recalled being a quiet voter before 2016, primarily focused on his family and career in the real estate industry. Zhu found success professionally and enjoyed golfing in his leisure time, distancing himself from politics. “I miss the politics before 2015 when ordinary people didn’t feel compelled to get involved,” Zhu said.
    Arriving in the U.S. in 1987 and naturalizing several years later, Zhu consistently supported Democratic candidates, trusting the democratic system’s capacity for self-correction. However, Trump’s emergence prompted him to stand up and actively defend democratic principles. Among the issues that concern Zhu most, combating racial discrimination remained paramount. “I cannot agree with the racist undertone of Republicans,” he said.
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    Alice Yang(right), a Democrat Chinese American was distributing bilingual flyers in support of Harris at an Asian grocery store entrance in Fairfax, Virginia on an October weekend. Photo by: Pingping Yin

    Xu wouldn’t have pursued U.S. citizenship if Trump hadn’t run for president. Holding a green card provided sufficient residency and business rights, even simplifying his travel between the U.S. and China. Now, as a U.S. citizen, he must obtain a visa each time he visits family in China.
    However, Trump’s anti-immigrant campaign rhetoric in 2016 troubled Xu. Concerned that non-citizens would face tough challenges under a Trump administration, Xu decided to naturalize the same year Trump took office.
    Reflecting on Trump’s term, Xu said his concerns were validated. This motivated him to campaign actively against Trump in 2020 through phone banking, a commitment he has upheld this election cycle. Although deeply involved, Xu doesn’t align with all Democratic positions, particularly in foreign policy. For Xu, supporting the Democrats is primarily about opposing Trump.
    If the Republican nominee had been someone else this year, Xu admitted he wouldn’t have been as deeply engaged in Harris's campaign, though he’d still vote Democrat. “This time is different. We can’t afford to lose. If Trump wins, it would feel like the sky is falling.”
    In contrast to Xu, Renee Feng decided to pursue US citizenship driven by her support for Trump. This year will be her first time being eligible to vote in a general election after over a decade in the U.S.
    Living in Rockville, Maryland, a deep blue district in Washington’s suburban area, Feng struggled to find local Trump supporters. Instead, she connected with allies on WeChat and has driven to Eden Center almost every weekend since September to volunteer with other Asian Republicans.
    Feng’s eldest daughter turned 18 earlier this year and also will be voting for the first time. However, she doesn’t share her mother’s political views. They debated and agreed not to intervene in each other’s voting choices.
    “She calls me racist. She thinks I lack empathy for vulnerable groups,” Feng said. “I admire her compassion and empathy. But she’s young and doesn’t carry the financial burdens I do. She doesn’t pay taxes, so she won’t fully understand,” Feng said. She mentioned the tax burden every time she tried to convince a passerby to support Trump.
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    Sarah(third from right) and Renee Feng(fourth from right) campaigned for Trump at Eden Center, Falls Church Virginia. Photo by: Pingping Yin

    Dokmai Webster, a Thai-American small business owner in the IT sector supporting the federal government, identified as an Independent for most of her life. “I’m not dedicated to one party line. It’s more about policy,” Webster said. However, since 2016, she has aligned herself with the Republican Party and consistently voted for Trump.
    Border control is among Webster’s top concerns. She blamed the Democrats for funding undocumented immigrants. “What baffles me is we're putting them up in hotels and giving them cell phones and giving them money. Where our veterans are homeless and needing the care that they should be getting from the veterans, you know, the VA hospitals and they're not getting that,” Webster complained. As an Air Force veteran, she said it was unacceptable.
    Although Webster was unbothered by Trump’s rhetoric toward Asian communities, she acknowledged that his personality is not particularly appealing. “There are a lot of things that he says in his speech. I just cringe. It's like, oh my god, Mr. Trump, don't say that! But at the end of the day, if you look at his accomplishments and what he's done when he was in office, it's fantastic!” Webster said.
    David Hoang and his wife, both federal contractors in computer programming, have been U.S. citizens for decades. However, Hoang had never voted until 2020. He said that they were driven to be more engaged by Trump’s leadership and disillusionment with the Democrats.
    Many policies implemented by the current Democrats reminded them of the communist regime they fled in the 1970s, according to Hoang. His wife shared that she has grown wary of speaking openly about her political views in their Northern Virginia neighborhood, where Democrats are the majority. She even expressed concerns about giving Yuan Media an interview.
    After connecting with Sarah and other Republican Asian supporters, they decided to canvass for Trump, drawn by their conviction that Trump could repair a compromised democratic system. “If this country fails, we’ll have nowhere to go,” said Hoang’s wife.

    Championing Asian Communities, Not Just Presidential Candidates

    Though often featured by Fox News as a prominent Asian American Republican, Yukong Zhao noted that the GOP has historically overlooked Asian voters as a critical voting bloc. In past presidential elections, margins of victory in swing states have been as slim as 2%, while the Asian American population in key swing states like Nevada has reached double digits.
    Zhao said Asian Americans represent a significant influence that should not be underestimated. However, according to a recent AAPI Data and APIAVote survey, outreach from both major parties toward Asian American communities remains limited. Only 62% of Asian American voters reported contact from the Democratic Party, while 46% reported outreach from the Republican Party.
    Zhao’s advice to politicians aiming to win support among Asian American voters was to “really address the key concerns of Asian voters.” He further explained that Asian Americans are far from monolithic; distinct national origins and cultural backgrounds foster diverse perspectives, and they won’t collectively support any single party. Zhao also raised the crucial role of language accessibility in campaign materials, as 71% of Asian Americans are foreign-born, with only 57% reporting proficiency in English.
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    Yukong Zhao delivered a speech at an AsiansMAGA rally explaining Asian voters’ concerns in mid-September. Photo Credit: Yukong Zhao

    Xu acknowledged that while the efficiency of phone bank, text outreach, and postcard campaigns might not be ideal despite volunteers' enthusiasm, it remains essential to ensure that Asian voters feel neither overlooked nor excluded. He said their turnout strategy is to make this community feel recognized and valued in the electoral process and then go out to vote.
    “The political systems in the U.S. and our home countries are worlds apart. For new immigrants, navigating it alone without guidance can be overwhelming,” Xu remarked. Despite his deep involvement, Xu admitted he’s still learning how U.S. politics and policies affect everyday lives in the country he now calls home. “It’s incredibly complex—sometimes, I feel like the blind man with the elephant.”
    Luo also underscored the significance of Asian American participation in election campaigns. She co-founded “Chinese Americans for Harris” not only to support the Democratic presidential candidate but also to demonstrate the collective strength of Asian Americans—an influence that deserves to be recognized and valued, Luo said.
    Drawing on her two decades of campaign experience, Luo said that street protests should be regarded as a last resort if one wishes to ensure that the community’s voices are heard because it’s often too late. “Your vote is your voice,” Luo said. “If you’re not seated at the table, you’ll be on the menu.”
    “We represent Chinese Americans, but that doesn’t mean we want the next administration to prioritize only our community or the broader AANHPI group,” said Luo. “We hope for an administration that treats every individual in this country equitably. By fostering a just and inclusive society, Chinese Americans, like all communities, benefit from the greater good of justified equality.”
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    Ling Luo(front row, second from the left) and other “Chinese Americans for Harris” volunteers at a Harris rally in Houston, Texas on October 27. Photo by: Lin Xu



    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 全美投票指南和保护投票热线电话

    美国大选正在正在如火如荼地进行中,全美各州了解投票指南请用以下链接:输入个人信息即可生成你自己所在区的选票样本,持此样本,做出自己对候选人的选择,去投票站投票! https://bluevoterguide.org 选民如果遇到任何问题,请打以下热线电话。我们有各语种受过训练的志愿者在律师团队的领导下为大家解答任何问题。



    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 一个老派共和党员给一位美国新选民的信

    翁老师:
    首先祝贺你获得了人生第一次选举国家领导人的机会。一个成年后才来美国的中国移民会比一般人更能体会到什么叫政治权利,什么叫投下庄严的一票。
    其次,感谢你来征求我对大选的看法。本来我准备在大选前写一篇文章,比较一下川普和拜登的政绩,拜登退选后不太想写了。你的来信激起了我的动力,还是应该写几句,也整理一下自己的思路。因为大选日马上到了,只能匆匆写几句。
    一,宪法,尊重、遵守宪法
    美国有幸,开国元勋们不仅打赢了独立战争,而且制订了世界上现代国家的第一部成文宪法。因为是第一部,它有很多不完美的地方。奇怪的是,一部不完美的宪法让美国蓬勃发展了二百多年;而世界上有些国家以美国为蓝本制订出了比蓝本完美得多的宪法,但那些国家的政局却多年动荡不安。为什么?美国之所以能够长期保持世界领先地位,不是因为出了几个伟大领袖,不是因为宪法完美,而是因为大家共同遵守它的宪法。任何宪法和其他法律,不管它们写得多么漂亮、严谨,如果政治领导人不遵守它,公民不尊重它,它就是一纸空文。
    民主制度的核心之一是定期、经常地选举各级领导人。宪法对总统选举做出了很详细的规定。2020年的选举结果虽然两党候选人得票数相差不多,但决不是历史上得票差距最小的选举。2000年,时任副总统高尔因为在佛罗里达州的不到一千张选票之差输给小布什。那次的选举结果最终由联邦高院裁定,美国历史上的第一次。随后,高尔宣布接受高院裁定并按照法律程序主持了国会点票计票仪式,宣布自己的竞争对手小布什获胜。这是不久前的事情,很多选民记忆犹新。这个典型案例可以说明为什么美国不发生政变,能二百多年平稳交接总统权力。
    2020年,川普在输掉选举后有权质疑结果,有权提起诉讼。(川普输掉了全部五十多起诉讼案,被传的有鼻子有眼的舞弊证据在法庭上根本无法核实、不堪一击。)但是,川普和他的竞选团队决不能指使一些州编造假选举人票,决不能组织人群冲击国会。如果川普今年能获胜,那么今后美国各级政府的任何一次选举都可能无效。我不希望美国出现那么一天,选民手中的选票是不是有效要看失败的一方是不是能够接受选举结果;如果输方可以组织起一场群众运动或者动用军事手段推翻选举结果而不受法律惩罚,那么选民手中的选票就等于零。
    这次,民主党的候选人哈里斯仓促上阵,她的政见和施政能力都还不甚明朗。但是,我想没有一个人会假设,哈里斯当选总统后如果竞选连任失败会不遵守宪法,会像一个街痞无赖一样对待选举结果。对我来说,摆在面前的问题是:应该不应该让一个已知的史上最差总统(这是一批历史和政治学家投票评选的结果)、一个已被陪审团宣布有罪的罪犯回到白宫?我的回答:投票给哈里斯。
    我曾经是多年的共和党选民,认同这个党的很多政见。但是川普根本不是传统意义上的共和党人。共和党的前总统、副总统、前议长等前大佬,几乎没有一个支持川普的;川普自己的前内阁成员也已经有一半以上公开反对川普;他被他多年的前幕僚称为崇拜希特勒的法西斯主义者,骨子里的法西斯,美国最危险的人;一个前总统能遭到自己党内自己幕僚如此激烈反对和斥责,美国历史上似没有先例。
    美国当务之急是防止极右的川普再次掌权。用我儿子的话来说,现在先要把川普这个病毒控制住,然后再谈重建共和党。
    二,高院,失衡的高院
    美国的政治传统是,联邦高院掌握着解释宪法的权力。目前的高院已经被极端保守派掌控,并且做出了很多极端的裁决。要改变这些极端裁决,只有选出一个民主党总统,能在新空缺出现时任命进步派法官,让高院恢复左右基本平衡的状态。
    近年高院作出的极端裁决有:
    推翻Roe v. Wade,高院裁定妇女的堕胎权由每州自己决定。此后,各级政客纷纷登场,比赛谁更极端。有些议员(比如参议员万斯)甚至投票反对保护人工受孕;现在一些医院连人工受孕都不敢做了。你们德州的法律已经倒退到了一个因强奸怀孕的妇女也不能堕胎了。(据说德州很多妇产科医生在离开德州。)
    总统豁免权的杜撰。在法律面前人人平等,美国的总统也必须遵守法律,这是美国的历史传统,也是常识。这次高院因为偏袒川普,凭空杜撰出一个总统行政豁免权,这是对民主制度的极大威胁,今后监督总统、平衡总统权力将是一件非常困难的事情,总统可以有恃无恐地恣意妄为。高院有些大法官已经在裁决书的反对意见上详细写下了它的危害,我不重复了。
    Citizens United 案(2020年)。过去一百多年,为防止少数人用金钱操纵选举,每个选民捐给政治人物的政治捐款是受数额限制的。2020年高院裁决,捐给政治行动组织(PAC)的数额不受限制。今年,一些巨富捐献上亿美元给PAC,美国政治被少数巨富控制的日子可能已经到来了。
    还有不少近期的极端裁决,不例举了。这些错误判例将来肯定会被以后的高院推翻。现在,每一个选民都有可能让这一天早点到来。联邦法院的法官由总统任命,要改变高院现在只有一条路:选出民主党总统。
    三,移民,我们是移民
    移民和非法移民问题是美国的老问题。美国需要移民,但是,美国又不可能容纳世界上所有想进入美国的人,新移民人群里总是良莠不齐,于是,美国民众一直围绕着这个问题争论不休。
    在边境管控上,川普比拜登做的严,在他任期内,非法移民入境数量下降。但是,川普仅靠行政命令,未能在法律层面解决问题。(在当选总统之前,川普曾经多次声讨行政命令这个方式。)川普新修建了约五十英里的边界墙(现在边界墙的总长约有五百英里),但是川普没有从墨西哥拿到过一分钱用于修墙。
    今年年初,国会两党终于就边境管理达成初步法律草案,可能通过几乎是美国史上最严的边界控制法。但是,川普指示他的党羽反对这份协议,因为他要在选举中用这个议题拉选票。可见,对川普来说,边境管理只是他的竞选手段。
    反对非法移民是川普第一次竞选时的头号话题。美国的移民法是在六十年代通过的,问题很多,需要修改。川普四年任期内连一份新移民法的草案都没有拿岀来过。(还有类似的情况。川普要废除奥巴马医保,指示国会共和党人一次次冲击这个议题,最终,川普四年里连一份医保法案草案都没有拿岀来过。)
    我希望美国出现新的移民法、难民法,让更多的合法移民进入美国,堵塞住目前的很多移民法漏洞。川普没有运筹帷幄动员国会两党达成妥协方案通过有历史意义法案的能力。
    华人移民要牢记的是:我们是移民,是少数;千万不要以为有专业有技术有些财产就可以被高枕无忧甚至加入反移民的合唱团;反移民浪潮猛击过来的时候每一个华人都可能是受害者。
    四,经济,复苏还是萧条
    经济问题从来是一个重要竞选议题。如何评价美国经济现状?在一些共和党人嘴里,美国经济一团糟。事实是,在世界发达国家里,美国经济是最好的,企业利润、GDP增长、失业率、工资实际收入、股市等各项指标表明,美国的经济已经走出因为新冠带来的衰退。大家抱怨的通膨指数也已经大大下降,现在已经降至低于2.5%,属于正常范围。
    一些川普支持者现在夸赞川普时期的日子,只要稍微查一下,川普的最后一年任期时,美国经济才是一团糟。我并不把当时的情况怪罪川普,只是想说,我们可以而且应把川普时期的经济问题主要归咎于新冠,但是也应该知道,经济一旦出现衰退是需要一段时间才能走出衰退的;现在一些人无视美国经济总体健康良好而把暂时出现的通膨问题归结于拜登也是不公平的。
    记得2020年川普在竞选辩论时指着拜登说,他如果当选,股市立马崩溃。事实是,在拜登任期内,美国股市屡创新高。
    五,多党制,如何平衡
    我一直主张两党保持一种健康的竞争状态,保持基本平衡。但是,在选举投票时,我的主要考虑还是候选人本身的政见和政绩。比如,一个联邦参议员竞选连任,我会查看他的投票记录,查看他关键时刻的表达,在一月六号事件刚发生时他说了什么,是不是后来见风使舵转弯了。过去,有些华人选民把票投给了一些几乎是种族主义者的候选人,说这是为了平衡政治权力,这是极其愚蠢的。我相信,在一个民主制度下,只要选民认真考虑候选人的政见,谨慎地选择,出现一边倒结果的可能性极小。
    六,几点谬传
    从微信等途径看到,华人中有些谬传,我说一些大致事实。
    1,民主党只会耍弄族裔矛盾、性少数群体斗争,做不了大事。
    民主党确实做了很多工作,保护族裔平等和性少数群体权益,我也不完全认同他们在这方面做的事情。美国的社会现状是民主党和共和党共同努力的结果;如果一定要比较,民主党做的大事情很多很多,可以说,美国现在的经济和社会保障框架主要是在民主党领导下建立的。SEC法案,保证了股市正常运行;FDIC法案保证金融界正常运行;Social Security 法案保障老有所依(以上小罗斯福);Medicare, Medicaid ,保障老年人和穷人医保(约翰逊);平价医保,保障所有人有医保选择(奥巴马)。
    相比一下,川普四年,重要法案是税法,政府减少收入但是不减开支,致使赤字暴增。拜登四年,基建法、芯片法、反通膨法等,在法律层面确定重建美国的基础建设,立法帮助美国企业把工作岗位迁回美国。对比一下,谁更能办大事?
    2,共和党善搞经济建设。
    你可以查找一下,比较一下二战后两党总统执政时的GDP数据和其他经济指数,数据就会告诉你事实;也可以再比较一下美国各州富裕程度排名,最穷的十个州一般至少有九个是共和党一党统治多年的州。所谓共和党更善于搞经济完全是一些人制造出的幻觉。
    3,共和党会管理政府财政,不会乱花钱。
    财政赤字是个多年的问题。里根、小布什、川普都曾经是竞选时的反赤字旗手,在当选总统后又全都一次次创下赤字新高。小布什滥花钱到了极致,川普减少政府收入但不少开支,这些都是近期历史。相反,克林顿八年保持连续多年的财富政盈余,他的任期内,美国金融界已经在讨论什么时候美国能实现没有长期债务。(克林顿时期能做出这样的成绩应该归功于两党共同的努力。)
    絮絮叨叨讲了这么多,其实哪个话题都没有讲透。每个话题都可以单独写文章的。我一水平有限二没有时间,暂时就先写这些吧。如果有什么问题,我们可以讨论。
    为美国祝福!
    奚伊宾 草于2024年10月27、28日

    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • Eric 今日美政 最重要的一个州是它!

    Eric 今日美政 最重要的一个州是它!

    (关注美国大选,请登录今日美政网站 jrmz2.org,附有音频解说)

    我们前几天提到的马斯克在关键摇摆州搞支持川普的彩票活动,周一,已经遭到了宾州地方检察 官的起诉。美国司法部也对马斯克的美国政治行动委员会提出警告,称这种彩票抽奖违反了美国 选举法,是一种花钱买选票的行为。我在那一期节目中说过,马斯克是一个创新型的天才,他总 是能找到你意想不到的方式来解决问题。这一天赋用在科技上,是人类的福音,但如果用在社会 活动上,则是以破坏已有规则为代价的,往往危害会更大。简单说,颠覆科技中的某种习惯,是创 新;但如果颠覆社会中的某种规则,则是革命。我们喜欢创新,但是,我们不喜欢革命。

    好,我们今天把注意力放在本次大选中最关键的一个州,这个州就是宾州。

    宾州有 900 万注册选民,拥有 19 张选举人票。这是双方争夺的最关键的一个州。宾州、密歇根 州、威斯康辛,这三个州被称为是民主党的蓝墙州。2016 年,川普就是赢得了这三个州,使得蓝墙 出现裂缝,而赢得了大选;2020 年,拜登重新夺回这三个州,结果就赢得了大选。所以可见蓝墙 州对于美国总统大选的重要性。这一次,哈里斯如果赢得这三个州,基本上可以肯定赢得选举;而 如果川普赢得宾州,也就是蓝墙中选举人票最多的这个州,那么哈里斯的很悬了。

    宾州的投票法规一直比较保守。开放无理由的邮寄选票,还是在 2019 年才通过的;至于供选民亲 自投票的提前投票点,则一直不允许设置。今年早些时候民主党的州议院议长曾经提出过要求在 大选日之前两周开放提前投票的投票点,但被共和党控制的参议院否决了。所以我们今天提到的 宾州的所谓提前投票,指的都是邮寄选票的情况。

    宾州今年大选,有接近 210 万选民申请了邮寄选票。目前回收的邮寄选票接近 140 万张。这其中 ,民主党选民对共和党选民表现出不对称的压倒性优势。基本上民主党选民无论在申请邮寄选票 ,还是寄回邮寄选票的数量上,都是共和党选民的两倍。另外还有大概 10% 左右的无党派倾向的 选民。

    140 万张选票,只占到宾州注册选民不到 15%。而宾州是一个投票率比较高的州,2020 年投票率 更是达到了 76.5% 的水平。换句话说,即使是只算会投票的选民,也就是 690 万投票者,140 万 张选票也占不到 19%。看上去分析意义不大。但我先买一个关子,其中这非常重要。210 万张邮 寄选票中,民主党选民的比例超过共和党选民 27 个百分点,这就意味着民主党在邮寄选票中,已 经至少超过共和党 57 万张选票了(2100k x 27%)。这个数据,会和后面的民调有一定的吻合。 我们还是先注重一下基本面,去分析宾州本身的选民分布情况,以及最近选民的动向。

    宾州在今年出现了新注册选民的两股浪潮,一股是共和党人新注册选民的浪潮,来自川普在宾州 遇刺之后;而另一股是民主党人新注册选民的浪潮,这来自哈里斯成为民主党推出的新的总统候 选人。双方新注册的选民数基本相当,都有差不多 10 万人。

    在 2022 年的时候,宾州出现了一股民主党的浪潮。现任州长 Josh Shapiro 以 12 个百分点的优 势战胜了他的共和党对手;民主党参议员候选人 John Fetterman 也以 5 个百分点优势战胜自己 的共和党对手,为民主党在参议院中多挣得了一个席位。这个席位之前是共和党人 Pat Toomey 拥有的。换句话说,2022 年,宾州选掉了一个共和党参议员,选上来一个民主党参议员。联邦参 议员,在一个州的地位相当于州长,所以这是一个不小的改变。

    2023 年,在宾州的市政选举中,也掀起了一股蓝色浪潮,民主党席卷了大部分州公务员职位和地 方公职。 在此之后,宾州的共和党改变了策略,他们更倾向于去筛选之前没有注册投票的民众,鼓励他们 积极参与投票。这一政策起到了良好的效果。但更有效的,却是宾州的极右翼活动家的崛起。

    宾州有一位名人,叫 Scott Presler,这人以前是住在弗吉尼亚的,后来搬到宾州。他的政治理念非 常极端,公开反对穆斯林,说 “虔诚的穆斯林不可能成为真正的美国公民” ;在 2020 年的时候到 处宣传说大选有舞弊,而且 Presler 还敢于直接声称说 2021 年 1 月 6 日川普支持者攻击国会山 的暴乱是 “美国历史上最大的民权运动”。Presler 在本次大选之前,做了相当多的拉票工作,他的 组织遍布宾州几乎每一个小镇,他们认真地做选民动员工作。如果你关注他们的推特,会发现他 们随时都在汇报自己的进展,昨天拉了 5 个人,今天让 6 个人登记了选民资格等等。这一扎实的 工作,确实取得了肉眼可见的成效。

    在宾州的注册选民中,和大多数其他州一样,民主党选民要比共和党选民多得多。2021 年的时候 ,民主党注册选民比共和党注册选民大概多了 63 万人;但是现在呢?这一差距已经缩小到了 30 万人。和 2021 年的登记记录相比,民主党注册选民下降了 11 万人,而共和党新登记的选民则增 加了 22 万人。

    目前宾州选民的分布情况是这样:截至到周一,民主党登记选民人数是 397 万,共和党登记选民 人数是 367 万;而独立的无党派倾向或者第三方党派倾向的选民:140 万。

    从选民注册的比例来看,共和党有理由感到兴奋。因为这是近几十年以来,民主党注册选民对共 和党注册选民最小的优势。但另一方面,民主党人也有理由感到高兴,因为哈里斯成为新总统候 选人之后,民主党人新注册选民的速度迅猛上升。这两种趋势都是存在的。

    民主党关注的当然是大城市。一般认为,只要费城的投票率超高,那么民主党就能赢得宾州。费城 人口占到宾州 12% 以上,所以民主党关注的重点,在于如何说服费城的选民尽可能地投票。在 2020 年大选的时候,费城选民 80% 的票都投给了拜登。支持川普的不到 19%。但是,令民主党 担心的是,在 2020 年,和 2022 年中期选举中,费城的投票率都低于全州的平均水平。费城投票 率如果低,民主党就很难赢得宾州。所以民主党在费城的政策是,让每一个参与选举的民主党支 持者去敲邻居家的门。意思是,我不是陌生人,我是你的邻居,我想让你知道为什么你对我们很 重要。这个策略从目前来看,也起到了良好的效果。

    我们接下来看最近的民调结果。鉴于民调目前受到很大的杂音的干扰。所以这一次我选择了可信 度较高的 Marist 民调。Marist 民调在 538 网站的民调可信度上排名第六,是一个历史长达半个 世纪的民调组织,选择 Marist 的原因,是在历次民调中,Marist 的党派倾向几乎没有,是一个比较 中立的民调机构。无论是左翼的NBC,还是右翼的 Fox 或者华尔街日报,都会引用 Marist 的民调 数据;在 2016 年那次令人意外的大选中,Marist 是出错最小的一个主流民调结果,当时他们的预 测中,希拉里的支持率只比川普高两个百分点,这基本上可以用当时川普选民的特殊性来解释。 Marist 民调本身客观性,是可以信赖的。

    根据 Marist 民调,宾州受访民众中,哈里斯的支持率和川普的支持率完全持平,都是 49%。在亲 自投票的选民中,川普占优,为 54%;而在邮寄选票的选民中,哈里斯占优,为 68%。这两组数据 一比,就很有意思了。我们知道邮寄选票有大约 210 万张,如果其中支持哈里斯的占到 68%,那 么就意味着在邮寄选票中,哈里斯比川普要高出 74 万票(比例上高出 37 个百分点). 我们上刚才 根据党派投票来分析的邮寄选票中,哈里斯比川普得票多出 57 万,就相当接近这个民调结果了 (党派投票和支持率投票存在差异,因为民主党基本上都会支持哈里斯,但是共和党则不一定。党 派虽然是共和党,但却有一部分极度讨厌川普,反向投票给哈里斯,因此会出现支持者投票比党 派投票更倾向于哈里斯的现象)。我们可以大致把哈里斯在邮寄选票中领先川普的票数定位在 60 -70 万张票的水平。

    而亲自投票的人大约有 500 万人。这就意味着川普在亲自投票的选民中,比哈里斯要多出 40 万 票(比例上高出 8 个百分点)。两厢抵消,哈里斯要比川普多出 20 -30 万票。从这个意义上来说, 邮寄选票在宾州虽然不多,只有 19% 的样子,但是却一边倒地支持哈里斯,可能会为哈里斯锁定 胜局。

    另一方面,Marist 民调还显示出一个让人意外的结果,就是川普在白人选民中的支持率急剧下 降。在 2020 年大选的时候,川普在白人选民中领先 15 个百分点;而在 Marist 民调中,只显示在 白人选民中,川普比哈里斯领先 3 个百分点。这可能又是白人女性选民的功劳。因为在性别分类 中,男性支持川普的比支持哈里斯的高出 10 个百分点,而女性支持哈里斯则反过来比支持川普 高出 12 个百分点。女性选民本身人数就比男性多,所以可以说,白人女性的反水,使得川普在白 人群体中的总支持率大大下降了。

    所以,我对宾州总的印象是,宾州的共和党支持者在 2022 年之后,确实做了很多工作,支持共和 党的选民在宾州也出现了迅速增长的态势。但另一方面,川普在白人的支持率出现了下降。两个 趋势产生了抵消。在 2020 年大选中,非西班牙裔白人投票给川普的百分比超过拜登 17 个百分点 ,而现在川普在这个群体中只领先哈里斯 3 个百分点,就算民调和实际投票相比依然偏低,我们 可以将之扩大到 10 个百分点,那么在白人群体这个主要的宾州选民群体中(占宾州选民 80%), 哈里斯的表现还是会比拜登更好。拜登 2020 年在这个州赢了川普 8 万多票。我刚才通过邮寄选 票和亲自投票的预估显示,哈里斯可能会在这个州赢川普 20 - 30 万票。因此我觉哈里斯赢得宾 州是一个比较可能的最终结果。 Eric

    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 战地花絮:摇摆州- NC Charlotte~ 百哩之外周末扫街(7)

    作者:Cissy

    10/26-27/2024 周五下午赶去夏村市中心参加Obama的早投集会。场地原因导致人数很有限,俺碰运气最后一分钟拿到个位置。排队入场比演讲时间长,而且没有座位,见前总统不容易呀。

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    周六早上8点多,到城东南的一间办公处领任务,工作人员说有150多人注册扫街,果然车辆络绎不绝。Obama不虚此行。

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    上午的连排房,小区门口处标有private,no-soliciting字样。请示后回复,竞选信息不违规,由我自己选择。既然到了就走一趟吧,发发传单也好,果然是80%闭口羹。

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    下午换另一处办公地点,几分钟内志愿者来往不断。一位老者说,他不仅电话/扫街拜票,还驾车带选民去投票。如此公民素质和行为,堪称平凡中的伟大。

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    趣事一桩 - 与倾川白男的对话。他认为偏袒民主党的媒体都在撒谎。我反问挺川的谎言少吗?媒体为自已认可的政策发声,没错啊。他同意✅,并说不完全赞成Trump的做法。提及Project 2025,他说跟川普无关。又问川普的“China Initiative”,曰不知道。我告诉他,不止一位华裔学者因此蒙冤入狱,倾家荡产打官司,谁知道下一个会不会是我自己?这不是种族歧视是什么?… 几番较量,他改口说妻子会去投Harris[胜利]。哈,差点被小哥忽悠,我最初问其妻(催票对象)投票意向时,他说弃权,因为她不知道投谁。最可笑的是他家邻居,我敲门时毫不客气的拒绝答话的女人,为了阻止我们谈话,连续两次大声吆喝说,你需要啥工具我这有[呲牙]。还别说,再聊一会儿小哥很有可能被翻转呢。告别时送他一套传单,半开玩笑地说,你再琢磨琢磨,也许会改变主意[奸笑]。

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    昨天,Trump在纽约麦迪逊广场举办集会,演讲主题-白人、基督教、民族主义。具体内容-Harris是恶魔、希拉里是变态,整个人渣民主党应该被屠杀…美国只能有美国人,波多黎各是浮动的垃圾堆,有色人种想取代白人,学校在做变性手术、学校应该教圣经… 显然,Trump已放弃中间选民,总统竞选变成了MAGA造势运动。

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    空前团结的民主党vs乌央造神的嘛嘎党,谁是最后的赢家?

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    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 特邀:万圣节前的噩梦—杨安泽对特朗普当选后的恐怖未来大揭秘!

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    🎃👻 万圣节前的噩梦:特朗普当选后的恐怖未来大揭秘!👻🎃

    🗓️ 日期:2024年10月30日,星期三 🕕 时间:美东时间晚上9点 💻 地点:Instagram Live + Facebook Live,关注 @funnyindian 🌟 特邀嘉宾:Andrew Yang 与喜剧演员 Rajiv Satyal

    加入前总统候选人 @AndrewYang 和 @funnyindian Rajiv Satyal,来一场关于特朗普再次当选的“恐怖未来”对话。一起探讨特朗普2.0带来的种种“黑暗可能性”——从民主危机到政策选择对未来的深远影响。

    🎤 分享你的“噩梦”! 活动前,在社交媒体上使用 #TrumpNightmare 标签发布你对特朗普总统任期最恐怖的设想。Andrew 和 Rajiv 将在活动中选读一些最搞笑、最恐怖的留言!

    👻 不要错过这个万圣节前夜充满惊悚、欢乐和未来希望的夜晚!

    🔗 欢迎传播信息,邀请好友一起参与! #TrumpNightmare

    翻译:🎃👻 Nightmare Before Halloween: A Real Spooky Talk on How Scary Our Future Would Be Under Trump! 👻🎃

    🗓️ Date: Wednesday, October 30, 2024   🕕 Time: 9:00 PM ET 💻 Location: Instagram Live + Facebook Live via @funnyindian 🌟 Featuring: Andrew Yang & comedian Rajiv Satyal

    Join former presidential candidate @AndrewYang & @funnyindian Rajiv Satyal for a haunting conversation about the terrifying reality that could haunt us under another Trump presidency. Chime in as we discuss the dark possibilities of Trump 2.0 - from democracy under siege to policy choices that could cast a long shadow over our future.

    🎤 Share Your Nightmares!   Before the event, post your worst nightmare scenarios of a Trump presidency on social media using the hashtag #TrumpNightmare. Andrew and Rajiv will read some of the funniest, spookiest, and scariest posts during the event!

    👻 Don’t miss out on a night of frights, fun, and fighting for our future—on Halloween Eve!

    🔗 Spread the word and tag your friends!   #TrumpNightmare

    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 助选花絮:宾州拜票实录

    作者:低头弄鱼

    昨天再次来宾州扫票,我与三个年轻人组成了四人组。我们彼此交换了经验,八年前我来宾州扫票的时候,他们两个在大一,一个还在高中,现在也可以和我这个老党员并肩作战了[呲牙]。我告诉他们那时还没有minivan app📲,我们人手拿一叠厚厚的名单地址,用笔🖊️注明所获信息,再交回给总部。现在有了minivan app📲, 不要方便太多[鼓掌],尤其是信息随时更新📊,无论是志愿者还是总部都能得到实时数据📈

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    这次我们仍然在大费城扫南亚移民的票。中途碰到Seed The Vote的志愿者,我们彼此交换了信息,避免重复敲门。Seed The Vote告诉我们他们有讲南亚语言的志愿者(不知道究竟什么语言),碰到不会讲英文的可以联系他们。我果然敲到两家不会讲英文的,看装束就是印度一带的移民,我赶快让组长text给SeedTheVote。这样分工合作,互相帮助,一会儿就敲完了一片小区。

    其中碰到一个老白男不愿告诉我们他选谁。谁不知道呢,肯定是川普了,因为他也知道选川普是件羞耻的事,其他选Harris的都是大大方方地告诉我们。还碰到一个老太太,很nicely告诉我她是republican ,我赶紧修改了记录,注明是republican,事后我才意识到我要找的是husband,我再次修改记录,去掉republican,注明wife是republican,没有联系上husband。

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    不愉快的是到了最后一个老年社区,才敲两家,组长就通知我们离开,说小区管理员不让我们敲门,我怀疑这是合法的吗?这是把political free speech 等同于上门销售的了吗? 其他都是愉快的经历。在回总部的路上,我们四个彼此交换了信息,组长明天要去Nevada。我计划接下来一整周继续在宾州扫票,直至大选结束。这次我们四人组敲了117家门,这天从DC去的43名志愿者共敲1274家门。我们都在拼尽全力,为了我们的美国🇺🇸

    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American
  • 马斯克被费城检察官起诉了!百万美元抽奖涉嫌违反竞选法

    费城地区检察官起诉埃隆·马斯克及其超级政治行动委员会,涉及100万美元抽奖活动
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    作者:Marshall Cohen,CNN
    更新于2024年10月28日,星期一,东部时间上午11:47

    Michael Swensen/Getty Images
    埃隆·马斯克在10月20日于匹兹堡的Roxain剧院举办的市民大会上发言,并在活动中向一位参与者颁发了100万美元。

    费城——费城地区检察官周一请求州法官关闭科技亿万富翁埃隆·马斯克有争议的100万美元赠送活动,称其为“非法抽奖计划”。

    费城地区检察官拉里·克拉斯纳(Larry Krasner),一位民主党人,针对马斯克及其支持特朗普的组织“美国政治行动委员会”(America PAC)提起了民事诉讼。

    “America PAC和马斯克正在诱导费城居民——以及其他州民(和即将到来的选举中的摇摆州的选民)——提供他们的个人身份信息,并在换取赢得100万美元机会的同时做出政治承诺,”诉讼指控道。“这就是抽奖活动。而且毋庸置疑,这是一个非法的抽奖活动。”

    马斯克超级PAC的发言人没有对诉讼发表评论,而是强调了该组织在周一宣布的最新100万美元获奖者——一名来自密歇根州黑斯廷斯的注册选民。

    在诉讼中,克拉斯纳办公室认为,根据宾夕法尼亚州法律,所有抽奖活动必须由州政府“运营和管理”——而马斯克的每日100万美元赠送活动需要停止,因为它在这些法律规定之外运作。

    “尽管马斯克声称获奖者的选择是‘随机的’,但这显然是错误的,因为已选出的多名获奖者曾在宾夕法尼亚州的特朗普集会上露面,”诉讼指出,并认为抽奖规则具有“欺骗性”。

    此案件基于宾夕法尼亚州的抽奖和消费者保护法。克拉斯纳表示,此次诉讼与禁止购买选票的州和联邦法律无关。

    美国司法部也警告马斯克的超级PAC,称其赠送活动可能违反联邦法律,即禁止以金钱换取选民登记的行为。

    此报道已更新更多细节。

    新闻原文:

    发布在 美华之音 &Voice of Chinese American